Benjamin Netanyahu stood next to an armored fighting vehicle in one of two photos released by his office.
On the other hand, the 74-year-old Israeli prime minister removed the helmet that covered his gray hair, stood smiling and surrounded by soldiers of half his age in what appeared to be the House of a Palestinian family.
The images, released this week, were carefully selected to showcase two images Netanyahu seeks to cultivate: the wartime leader and the benevolent father of the nation. According to a recent survey, the vast majority of Israelis do not see it that way.
An opinion poll conducted by the Israel Democracy Institute in mid-December reported that although 66 percent of Israelis believe that the Israel Defense Forces can destroy Hamas ' military capabilities in Gaza, even more, 69 percent, said they want elections to be held as soon as the war is over. Only 39 percent of those who voted for Netanyahu's Likud party said they would do so again.
In another poll, Bar-Ilan University, only 24 percent of Israelis said they believed Netanyahu to be the most trustworthy source of news about the war. Seventy-three percent said that the official military spokesman was their most trusted source.
It is not only members of the public who do not believe that Netanyahu is leading Israel in this war. The highest levels of security and political institutions have the same opinion.
"Day-to-day decisions on the war are made by the three former generals in the war cabinet," said a senior official, referring to Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and to Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot, former IDF chiefs of staff, and now politicians, who joined the government at the beginning of the war.
Regarding the big decisions, such as when to launch the ground offensive and whether to accept a hostage release deal and a week-long truce, Netanyahu delayed and hesitated for weeks. This is now his approach to the next big decision facing Israel - how and when to reduce the campaign in Gaza.
During his visit to the front lines on Monday, his office quoted him as telling soldiers: "we are not stopping. Who is talking about stopping-there is no such thing. We won't stop. The war will continue until the end.
However, in the more secret channels, Netanyahu's message is less explicit. David Barnea, the head of the Mossad spy agency, was authorized to negotiate a second temporary truce with Hamas in exchange for the release of another 40 Israeli hostages held in Gaza. Netanyahu's envoy, Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, is in Washington this week for talks with the Biden administration about Israel's next steps in scaling back its operations in Gaza.
Netanyahu is in trouble. His political ratings are falling and large parts of his nationalist base have already abandoned him, at least in opinion polls. But Israelis, still traumatized by the devastating October 7 massacre, still support the war on Hamas, especially those on the right whom Netanyahu needs to restore.
Although many outside Israel see him as a warmonger, Netanyahu has never been comfortable fighting large-scale wars in which he needs to put Israel's fate, and his political future, in the hands of the IDF.
Although many outside Israel see him as a warmonger, Netanyahu has never been comfortable fighting large-scale wars in which he needs to put Israel's fate, and his political future, in the hands of the IDF.
More than 50 years have passed since Netanyahu's military career ended, with the rank of Captain. In 1972, he had offers for promotion, but to stay in the IDF, he had to agree to be seconded to a standard military or infantry unit. He had spent five years as a special missions operator in the secret commando unit "Sayeret Matkal", specializing in operations behind enemy lines. He had no desire to take charge of a company of recruits in a non-elite unit, preferring to leave the army instead.
His early experiences in a small secret group shaped Netanyahu, and in the 16 years he was prime minister, he was averse to sending large impractical IDF armored divisions into battle. He very much prefers to pursue politics through small special operations or air strikes. He has no love for timber cabinets.
"Netanyahu's preferred image as the Israeli' master of security ' is not supported by his actions, "said one Israeli security official who has briefed the prime minister frequently in the past. "Above all, he avoids risk and does not like military situations that he feels he cannot control."
Israel has now been waging its war on a large scale for decades, but it was not a war of Netanyahu's choosing. His instinct is to find a way to shrink it, but to see that doing so would alienate his remaining supporters.
Netanyahu's discomfort with the IDF also has political roots. He is convinced that most of the generals belong to the "leftist elites" who oppose and despise him - and although they may not be terribly leftist, they certainly opposed him. At least seven IDF chiefs of staff who have served in this role since Netanyahu first took office in 1996 have joined political parties or movements dedicated to his replacement.
They include former general and Defense Minister Benny Gantz, who is not only a member of Netanyahu's war cabinet but also the man most likely to succeed him if elections are held now. Netanyahu is uncomfortable with the idea of leaving things in the hands of the generals.
The Israeli public is in a unique situation at the moment. Countries at war usually experience the "rally around the flag" effect, especially in the early National flow of the war, before the disappointment begins to creep in. Usually this effect translates into at least a temporary bump in the popularity of the country's leader. Israel is certainly going through a period of "gathering around the flag" but at the same time, the popularity of its leader has declined.
The support of the Israeli public goes to the IDF and its generals, despite their guilt for failing to prevent the October 7 attack. It is they who are perceived as leading the fight against Hamas.
For most Israelis, Netanyahu, with his strategy of allowing Hamas to remain in charge of Gaza for many years, is the main culprit of October 7th. They do not trust him for their leadership in the war into which Israel was dragged as a result. For Israelis, this is not Netanyahu's war.
